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TESTIMONY OF PHYLLIS OAKLEY Senate Foreign Relations Committee Subcommittee on International
Organizations and Terrorism February 27, 2002 Good
afternoon to you Madame Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee. As most members of this Subcommittee may know,
I served in the United States Foreign Service for most of my professional life,
including stints as desk officer for Afghanistan, as Deputy Spokesperson under
Secretary George Schultz, as Assistant Secretary for Population, Refugees, and
Migration and my final assignment as the Department’s Assistant Secretary for
Intelligence and Research. During the
past several years of my retirement, I have been teaching – at Mt. Holyoke in
Massachusetts and on Massachusetts Avenue at the John’s Hopkins School of Advanced
International Studies. I also serve on
the Boards of several organizations concerned with education and foreign
affairs, including, for the past year, the Board of the US Committee for UNFPA. As always, it is a pleasure to be with you
today and I welcome the opportunity to share with you my perspectives on
international family planning issues and the work of the United Nations
Population Fund. I have
been engaged in foreign policy work longer than I might like to admit – over 40
years. So much has changed in that time.
I was involved when the Cold War began in earnest, and was there when the
Berlin Wall came down. I experienced the
transformation of that bipolar world and the emergence of an age of increasing
interdependence, where issues, challenges, opportunities and threats transcend
national boundaries. Economists have
talked of this transformation in terms of the era of globalization. For those of us working on the front lines of
diplomacy to protect American interests, we have seen this transformation in
terms of an altered landscape of security threats and challenges. Issues like international crime, the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, growing numbers of refugees,
global environmental challenges, and, of course, the emergence of worldwide
networks of terror – these have all emerged from the sidelines to the
mainstream of American foreign policy. My
experience in the Foreign Service has taught me many things. And one of the most important is that rapid
population growth and associated poverty are dangerous, cross-cutting trends
that must be addressed through international cooperation. To ignore them is to ignore some of the
driving forces underlying the global issues that are so prominent today. Mine is the first – and hopefully it will be
the only – generation to have lived through more than a tripling of global
population. When I was born, there were
about 2 billion people on the Earth, today there are more than 6. That is a whole lot of change – and it is
profound. Today, there are 2 billion
people who live on less than $2 a day. Now, I am
no expert on whether the Earth’s environmental systems can sustain that kind of
growth or the demand for resources associated with 6 or 7 or 8 billion
people. But what I can tell you is this: First,
that population growth has made the world a much more complicated place –
exponentially so. Demographic forces are
not divorced from issues of state power, and help to shape not only our
bilateral relations with other nations, but also our global priorities. Second, I have learned – because I have seen it – that
rapid population growth and persistent, jaw-dropping poverty are a dangerous
mix. That was true in Pakistan when I
lived there; in Zaire; it was true in Afghanistan when I was a desk officer; it
was true in the dreadful refugee camps that I visited after the genocide in
Rwanda; and it is true in so many places today. In the
early 1990s, I was working on Humanitarian Assistance programs on the border of
Afghanistan and Pakistan. The
discrepancy between rapid population growth and the ability of governments to
respond was striking. In overstretched
infrastructure, heroic efforts were made to try and get people into
school. Those lucky enough to get
through school were rudely awakened by the reality that the society could not
produce enough jobs to keep up with growing numbers. There is little surprise, then, that
strident, fundamentalist religious schools became popular with the uneducated
and the underemployed. I don’t
want to belabor the point, suffice it to say that my own experience has led me
to the belief that rapid population growth should be and must be considered as
an important factor influencing America’s engagement around the world. The
question is, what can we do about it? I
understand that nobody wants to talk about these issues, involving as they do
sensitive personal, social and religious issues. But we can’t ignore them, so we have to talk
about them. That is one of the reasons
why we are fortunate to have the United Nations Population Fund as an
institution and forum for confronting these issues in a civilized, adult
manner. I was
somewhat familiar with UNFPA’s work for many years, but learned much more about
them when I became Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Population, Refugees,
and Migration. At that time, UNFPA was
coordinating preparations for the International Conference on Population and
Development, which was held in Cairo in 1994.
And they did a wonderful job, not only in the logistical preparations
for that conference, but in working with the world to create a remarkable new
vision for international population policy.
They
listened to the world – hearing from representatives of all regions, diverse
religious and cultural backgrounds, NGOs and individuals from all over the
world. Because they listened, the
bedrock principle of the action plan reached at the ICPD is that population
policies should be pursued with full respect for not only national sovereignty,
but also diverse religious and ethical values and in accordance with
universally recognized human rights. They
moved the world away from a fixation on the number of people on the planet and
towards a needs-based approach – focusing on the fact that if people, especially
women, have access to family planning and other health services, if they are
educated, if they have economic opportunities, if human rights are respected,
and if men will recognize their responsibilities for homelife, if all these
conditions are met, the global population will stabilize on its own, and we
need not focus on numbers. This new
approach, forged through UNFPA leadership and agreed at the ICPD, was all aimed
at addressing concerns – held especially by women and NGOs around the world –
about the use of demographic targets and certain situations in which coercion
was encouraged. This is a very important
point Madame Chairman, and I want to underscore it. The United Nations Population Fund was the
leading advocate, the force that moved international population policy
away from numeric targets and other tactics that could encourage coercion. UNFPA championed a human rights based
approach to population policy. All of us
who were at Cairo recognized what a wonderful achievement this was. And all of us on the US delegation were
thrilled to be a part of it. After
Cairo, I became more and more familiar with UNFPA’s work in the field. Not only
its ongoing efforts in more than 140 countries around the world. But especially its efforts in areas that
overlapped with other responsibilities I carried, particularly in crisis
situations in refugee camps around the world.
In Goma,
I saw how important UNFPA’s work was in providing emergency supplies for
pregnant women. You all will recall the
horror of those vast numbers moving so quickly, the outbreak of cholera, camps
organized amazingly overnight when hundreds of thousands of people fled the
massacres occurring in Rwanda and crossed over into what was then Zaire. These were difficult and dangerous
situations. Ethnic tensions were
high. Thousands of women had been raped
as an instrument of terror. Gangs were
commonplace and security in the camps almost non-existant in the beginning
because the Government of Zaire could supply none. In the midst of all of this, brave
international public servants from UNFPA worked tirelessly to provide the most
basic supplies so that pregnant women would have a chance to deliver a child
safely. They
supplied soap, plastic sheeting, a razor blade to cut the umbilical cord,
sutures for complications, rape treatment kits and basic contraceptive
supplies. In
Kosovo, several years later, UNFPA was there as part of the United Nations
humanitarian response team when hundreds of thousands of Kosovars fled mass killings
and the systematic use of rape. Again,
brave international civil servants responded and helped to provide emergency
supplies and such things as underwear for girls and women. For their
efforts, a handful of organizations, including the Population Research
Institute, chose to go on the attack, going so far as to make the outrageous
accusation that UNFPA was conspiring with Mr. Milosevic in a campaign of
genocide. Those
same organizations have been giving UNFPA a hard time over Afghanistan, where
the Fund is again working to meet the needs of those displaced by 20 years of
civil war and the welcome efforts of the United States and others to rid that
country of terrorists and the harsh rule of the Taliban. I have
been to Afghan refugee camps and I have seen UNFPA’s contribution to
international humanitarian response efforts.
I wish that all those who take potshots at the UN, who think that
international cooperation is about bloated bureaucracy, or who cavalierly
attack UNFPA could experience these heart-rending situations. If they did, they would have their hats off
to these brave individuals and the hard-working organizations they
represent. And if I have not been clear
enough, let me just say that I resent and take great offense to those who have
attempted to ruin the reputation of UNFPA and international family planning in
such a reckless fashion. Nowhere
has this been more evident than in the endless campaign that has been waged to
suggest that UNFPA is complicit in the very serious and disturbing violations
of human rights that occur in China. As
a woman, and one who has seen the anomalous gender ratios in China, I am not
about to defend China’s one-child policy, the incidence of coercion or female infanticide. The facts are pretty clear, and very
upsetting. It is
equally clear that UNFPA has absolutely nothing to do with these practices, nor
does the United States contribution to UNFPA.
US law has prevented even one cent of the US contribution to UNFPA from
being spent in China for years. More
fundamentally, the clear evidence is that the UN Population Fund is aware of
the problems in China’s program and that it is attempting to work with the
Chinese to demonstrate the greater wisdom and effectiveness of voluntary,
non-coercive population policies.
Reflecting the consensus it championed and forged at the Cairo
Conference, UNFPA has insisted that Chinese authorities agree to discontinue to
the use of targets, quotas and other coercive means in each of the 32 counties
in which it is providing assistance to the Chinese. This does not mean that UNFPA’s staff of four
people in China has taken over China’s program – it means that UNFPA is having
a positive influence. And that fact is
being born out in the reporting of our own foreign service officers. Last
year’s Human Rights report – not known for pulling punches – found clear
evidence of UNFPA’s positive influence in China. Let just quote a few passages: “600
counties covering about half the country’s population have adopted more liberal
(population) policies.” “The
Government was beginning to relax its policies in the cities.” “Other jurisdictions, such as Minglan village
in Yandu County, have reportedly followed the earlier example of Beijing and
other cities, abolishing birth permits and allowing couples to decide on their
own when to have a baby.” The
evidence from others, including the many monitoring teams that have been sent
to observe progress of the UNFPA program echo these sentiments. There is
only one place in the world where UNFPA’s activities are questioned – and that
is right here in Washington. I was the
relevant Assistant Secretary of State for three years. During that time, I have to tell you that
never, not once, did I hear from another government, from my forceful
colleagues in the human rights bureau, from the intelligence community, or from
any reputable human rights organization expressing concerns about UNFPA’s work
in China or anywhere else. Not one
cable, not one letter, not one phone call.
Nothing. Why? Because
this is only an issue of American domestic politics – not of foreign policy or
of the actions of an international organization. UNFPA is a good organization caught in the
vise of American politics. That is what
makes this issue so sad, so frustrating, so Kafkaesque. Hours and hours are wasted at the Department,
on the Hill and throughout Washington in an annual fight that is based on
smear, innuendo and hatefulness. All of us
who have worked on this issue have been tempted to throw up our hands, to give
up, to become frustrated by the groundless nature of this debate. But if it is tempting, it is also wrong. For to
give up would not only abandon the architecture that has been put in place for
addressing common global issues, but it would also abandon those women and
children who depend on UNFPA in refugee camps, it would be to give up on the
350 million couples that want to plan their families but don’t have access to
modern family planning services, and it would be to abandon those people in
China and elsewhere who yearn to realize their basic human rights as
individuals. This is not a debate about
what words are put in an appropriations bill.
This is a fight for the most impoverished and repressed people in the
world, it is about truthfulness, and it is about American leadership on the
great issues of this new century unfolding. I thank
the Subcommittee for inviting me hear today.
And I hope that you will endeavor with your colleagues to put this issue
behind us – where it belongs – once and for all.
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